Based on the percentage splits shown in Table 1, this $700
million would be apportioned as follows:
Figure 1
Fig. 1 would seem to support the claim of some Brooklyn
officials, including Borough President Marty Markowitz, that bridge tolls will
impose a disproportionate burden on residents of Brooklyn. (See http://www.bridgetolls.org/polpolls/martymarkup.htm.)
But a different picture emerges when East River bridge tolls
are viewed in a broader context, alongside other means of raising revenue for
fiscally pressed New York City.
In November 2002, the City enacted a permanent 18.5%
surcharge on real estate taxes to help close its multibillion-dollar budget
gap. This levy imposes $1.7 billion a year in new taxes, including $770 million
on residential properties. (The remaining $930 million, from the surcharge on
commercial and utility property, is ignored here.) Although the tax rise
percent
is the same for all boroughs, the dollars come disproportionately from
Manhattan, where the assessed value of residential properties is highest. Some
47% of the $770 million in new residential property taxes, or $361 million, is
being paid by Manhattan co-ops, condo’s and rental apartments. Only 22% of the
residential property tax hike, $143 million, is being paid by Brooklyn
households, as Table 2 demonstrates.
As Table 2 and Fig. 2 show, Manhattan’s combined “hit” from
the tax surcharge and tolls, $429 million, exceeds Brooklyn’s total of $376
million. Moreover, with Brooklyn’s adult population exceeding
Manhattan’s by 40%, the per capita tax-and-toll impact is some 60%
heavier on Manhattanites than Brooklynites. Similarly, compared to Queens,
Manhattan’s tax-toll burden is higher by 25% in dollars and by almost 70% per
capita.
Is it legitimate to lump bridge tolls together with the
property tax surcharge? Absolutely. Both measures are (or will be) new
additions to the fiscal landscape, instituted for the same goal: municipal
solvency. Each falls unequally among the boroughs. But the disproportionality
falls one way where tolls are concerned (against Brooklyn and Queens), and the
opposite way with property taxes (against Manhattan).
Figure 2
This offsetting result isn’t coincidence but the logical
outcome of a larger pattern inherent in New York’s urban form. What gives
Manhattan properties their outsized value and consequent high taxes is their
proximity to “destinations” — stores, businesses, schools, entertainment — and
to public transit. This same proximity is the reason that Manhattanites take
60% fewer trips per capita on the East River bridges than do Brooklynites. It’s
to be expected, then, that Manhattan residents will pay less than Brooklyn
residents in bridge tolls while shelling out more in real estate taxes.
In short, Manhattan took the first punch, and a very hard
one, in order to balance the City’s budget without gutting vital government
services. Now it is, or should be, Brooklyn’s turn.
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